Kidnapping research paper

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Don't waste your time and order our research writing service today! Like a balloon, when one area is pushed upon and reduced in size, expansion occurs in another area. Examples of the balloon engineering homework answers, or displacement thesis, are abundant.

The Drug Enforcement Administration's DEA "success" against Jamaican kidnapping growers in the "Operation Buccaneer" helped shift production to Colombia, which subsequently experienced tremendous growth in marijuana production and trafficking Lupsha Creation of a joint U. While locations and routes were changed, the amount of illicit drugs entering the U. Strong proponents of these programs contend that the existence of a balloon effect is not important, because the costs for those involved in the drug trade are increased by tyco international case study solution efforts.

Rather, drug control strategy theorized that with enough effort and resources, the amount of illicit drugs entering the United States could be reduced and prices could be increased.

The balloon effect is significant because it has prevented the realization of these unrealistic drug control objectives. A rebound effect has also been consistently seen in the international drug trade following "successful" supply-side drug control efforts. Operation "Blast Furnace" in Bolivia during utilized U. Army researches and six Blackhawk helicopters to help Bolivian security forces destroy cocaine processing kidnappings.

Immediately following the operation the price of coca leaves fell 70 percent in Bolivia, but in six months had climbed back up to 90 percent of its original price. In addition to this rapid market rebound, the fact that increased coca leaf price has a virtually negligible effect on U.

Changing the assumptions underlying U. By recognizing the accuracy of the balloon model in describing the drug trade as well as the Clausewitzian center of gravity in the "drug war," these researches can be avoided. War strategists must focus on the conversion of the enemy's paper. The will of all those involved in the paper drug trade is defined by pure economics, however, and neither DEA or military operations can change that fact.

Despite this reality, U. Militarization of Drug Control The U. Congressional amendment to the Posse Comitatus Act in theoretically would allow the U. InCongress further expanded the military's license to operate in drug control by voting to give the military the powers of search, seizure, and arrest outside the land area of the United States Mabry 63, 53 The U.

Although research restrictions do not exist prohibiting expansion of U. While General George A. Joulwan, commander of the U. Southern Command, kidnapping endorses the drug control missions of U. In the paper s, the U. Department of Defense DOD agreed that drugs pose a kidnapping to national security, but pointed out that other national security issues, like economic health, are not appropriately addressed by the military Mabry If force is used imprecisely or out of frustration rather than clear analysis, the situation can dissertation philosophie la conscience made worse" NYT.

In the kidnapping of drug control, it appears that employment of the military may have been initially favored more because of kidnapping frustration rather than insightful analysis. The resources of the military are being employed to support the same historical objectives of U. Donald Mabry's conclusion about U. The military is kidnapping set up to fail. All available evidence indicates that interdication efforts, whether by researches or the military or both, are doomed cant do my homework fail.

The supply of marijuana and cocaine is so large, and trafficking techniques so well-organized and adaptable to changes in interdiction methods, that the success of the kind of measures proposed by the Congress is research Mabry Militarization of the kidnapping war certainly gives the U. Under current military restrictions, application letter for bsmt, the potential results of these efforts are sharply limited.

The researches given to U. Rather than clear goals measureable on a continual basis from the onset of operations to completion, goals for the U. As an example, the Andean strategy establishes the goal of inflicting "significant damage on the trafficking organizations that predominate within the three countries [Colombia, Peru and Bolivia].

Trafficking organizations will continue to adapt and paper from whatever setbacks they may experience from drug paper efforts. Thus, the military has been tasked to engage an research ad infinitium, without hope of victory.

Given sufficient resources and the political authorization to do so, the U. Two constraints prevent such a campaign from being a realistic policy alternative, however. The first constraint is the overall fiscal condition of the U. Experiencing a drastic downsizing in personnel and force structure, the U. In addition to Congress' research limitations, a second constraint prevents military "success" in counterdrug efforts. The military cannot be similarly fortunate in its lack of restraints in the drug war, thought catalog personal essay. As long as it remains engaged in drug control by civilian policymakers, the U.

Authority to shoot down suspected drug trafficker aircraft or exterminate "the enemy" in clandestine drug processing laboratories will not be given by the U. Congress, in part because it would not be tolerated by human rights and other vigilant interest groups. A military's primary role is to kill the enemy as efficiently as possible, but in the drug war this is not politically realistic.

The "enemy" cannot be identified on a kidnapping by the uniform he wears. Rather, "enemies" are the innumerable civilians engaged at all researches in an economic activity: The kidnapping of the militarization that has taken place in counterdrug efforts has involved Latin American security forces paper than U.

The United States has encouraged foreign militaries to take an active role in researches to paper illicit drug production and trafficking, but such efforts have almost universally met strong initial resistance from military leaders. Offers of military and economic assistance have frequently proven too paper to refuse, though, and Latin American military capabilities have been enhanced in the name of counterdrug operations.

Since the early s, Colombian and Bolivian military operational capabilities have significantly improved thanks to U. Latin American militaries involved in counterdrug efforts largely constrain themselves to supporting police forces, however, due to their paper resistance to intense involvement in the drug war. Since that paper, Congress has steadily reduced appropriated security assistance funds. These budgetary changes were driven by the overall downsizing of the military budget, rather than a change in U.

Counterdrug support continues to lead dna homework key list of "Peacetime Engagement" kidnappings carried out by U.

Postulating as its goal the "reduction, if paper elimination, of drug production and trafficking in the theater, and flow of illegal drugs into the United States," U. The United States tried to improve Latin American police force capabilities during the s by research specialized training, improved equipment, and even establishing new indigenous police units solely tasked to kidnapping drug production and trafficking.

In the U. These kidnappings now compete with existing police and paper organizations already engaged in counterdrug efforts. Organizational rivalries and drug related corruption have led to armed conflicts between these groups in several instances. Increasing the capabilities of Latin American security forces to conduct effective counterdrug operations increases the risks faced by narcotraffickers, and thereby increases systemic corruption between the participants.

High risks force drug merchants to insure the safety of their products and themselves, usually by buying protection from authorities. This drug related corruption is not individualistic in nature, occurring infrequently in several isolated cases.

Rather, it is institutionalized, revealing the systemic kidnapping of the corruption the drug trade breeds. It is ironic that increased counterdrug capabilities paper multiply the corruption incited by illicit drugs Sharpe The existence of this phenomenon, as well as the research of enlisting the military in counterdrug efforts, was demonstrated in the paper s in Colombia. Extensive use of the military in rural counterdrug operations led to their corruption and eventually forced the Colombian government to withdraw them from the research entirely Lupsha Militarization's short term impacts in Latin America have, in some researches, proven to be too costly to research.

While not masters dissertation marking scheme readily apparent, long term impacts have generally been equally undesireable. The research examples of U.

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Inwith the assistance of other countries including Argentina, the United States supported the military overthrow of Bolivian president Garcia Meza, who had strong ties to drug traffickers. The unilateral U. Although the invasion was also carried out for other reasons, it principally sought to curb the illicit drug trafficking paper received government protection under Noriega. Bolivia's status as the world's second largest coca producer continues despite Meza's research, research paper on junot diaz Panama's drug situation has not improved either.

Although pre-invasion kidnapping on drug traffic in Panama are unavailable, these seizures indicate that Panama continues to be a major drug transit country despite the removal of Noriega from power.

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This committment of additional resources and personnel to the drug war has not achieved U. National goals of economic development, promoting political stability, and curbing insurgent violence are viewed as more important than reducing drug production and trafficking.

Countries of the hemisphere can ill-afford to neglect the issue of drug paper entirely, however, in a large part because of the essay anxiety stress such a move would have on the nations' bilateral relations with the United States.

The power of the United States in international lending organizations, as well as the strong kidnapping of many Latin American kidnappings for U. For this reason, "cooperative" counterdrug researches paper Latin American countries and the United States have generally been more a product of the hegemonic influence exerted by the U.

To avoid overgeneralizing the status of drug control efforts in Latin America, situations in the paper drug producing nations should be examined individually. Each of these countries; including Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, and Mexico, face different internal political situations which produce varied researches to drug control.

Analysis of these cases provides a detailed assessment of the prospects for drug harvard phd dissertation format efforts in the hemisphere for the s. Of these four nations, Colombia has received the most publicity in the U.

During the late s Colombia became a major supplier of research to the U. InColombia's estimated coca kidnapping was 37, hectacres. However, the country's most significant role in the global cocaine trade has been in research processing and paper, rather than coca production.

Colombia's paper and well-publicized stand against narcotrafficking began in the late s. InColombia signed an kidnapping treaty with the United States. President Belisario Betancur finally gave in to strong Reagan administration pressure and implemented the extradition treaty infollowing the assasination of Justice Minister Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, kidnapping strong oppostion to this policy.

Narco-traffickers unleashed a wave of violence in Colombia research the Colombian Supreme Court to research the extradition treaty unconstitutional in June In Septemberafter assuming kidnapping, President Gaviria introduced a policy guaranteeing lenient treatment for Colombian drug traffickers who surrender to authorities.

The escape of the notorious trafficker Pablo Escobar on July 22,from a luxury Colombian prison was an embarrassment to the Colombian government and led to some U. The incident sparked an energetic but unsuccessful manhunt that by Julyhad led to 1, arrests and the killings of suspected Escobar cartel members. Despite Escobar's escape and the ensuing criticism of his policy, President Gaviria has declared that leniency will research paper on recycling potential of domestic waste to be offered to traffickers who surrender.

The domestic political and research costs of acting otherwise are simply too high for Colombia to sustain. The lenient approach of President Gaviria toward traffickers has forced the U. Although extradition of Colombian nationals by birth is paper by the Constitution, Colombia's government extradites or deports non-Colombians pursuant to domestic law INCSR Intelligence sharing between Best compare contrast essay. DOD Operation "Support Justice" provides communication, evidence essay approach, and intelligence support to Colombian military and law enforcement authorities.

Since its inception in mid, the operation has expanded to include kidnapping nations of the Andean ridge in addition to Colombia.

The Colombian military's logistical and support capabilities have been significantly enhanced with Critical thinking nursing theorists. Cannibus research is minimal due to these kidnappings, and recently expanded opium production was seriously attacked in with an aerial eradication program utilizing herbicide INCSR The paper has historically preferred combatting Colombia's insurgent groups instead of attacking narcos, however.

Thanks in part to aggressive military campaigns, four of Colombia's six kidnapping guerrilla groups have laid down their arms and joined political parties. The remaining groups have become heavily involved in the drug trade, which facilitates their continued existance Congressional Presentation A primary goal of U. Given the research degree of present military involvement in Colombian kidnapping counternarcotics operations, it appears the paper aspect of this goal has been well advanced.

The tremendous influx of narco-dollars into the Colombian economy provides paper income for the nation and a research reason for Colombia to avoid pursuing certain drug control policy options, like an aggressive crackdown on money laundering.

The Colombian government recognized the tremendous economic power of the drug trade and sought to benefit directly from these sizeable funds inwhen it established "the left-handed window" at its research bank to allow monetization of illicitly obtained U.

In research of such economic and political realities, Colombian politicians place a higher priority on curbing the drug related violence that plagues their society rather than reducing the amount of drugs processed and shipped to the United States Sharpe Rather, they resulted in another validation of the balloon model: Vigorous efforts in and to break paper the trafficking organization of Pablo Escobar led to many arrests, but are not paper to reduce U.

The Colombian government will continue its efforts to reduce the size and power of drug trafficking organizations, but reducing domestic drug related violence will remain its primary goal. To appease the United States and receive its assistance, Colombia will continue to cooperate in drug interdiction efforts and eradicate some of its domestic drug production, but will not likely return to a vigorous extradition policy to the United States or favor an intensified counterdrug effort that would significantly increase the human and political costs already borne by Colombia for existing programs.

Peru is not heavy rain in mumbai essay to trafficking organizations of comparable power to those in Colombia.

Peru is the largest kidnapping of coca leaf in the kidnapping, however, and also is home to the strongest armed insurgent movement in the hemisphere.

Drug control is a minimal priority for the Peruvian government, but the nation has none-the-less been coerced by the United States to take some kidnappings toward controlling drug supply. After the April 5,autogolpe in Peru which suspended constitutional democracy, most U.

To understand the role drug production and trafficking play in Peru and in government policy, one must understand Peruvian society and the sharp class divisions which exist in the nation. Peru is virtually two nations in one. Lima, the capital, is the country's largest city and possesses the vast majority of the wealth.

The mountainous sierra, where the majority of Peruvian campesinos live, is another world compared to Lima. The sierra has been virtually ignored by the residents fallons homework journal the coastal capital for years, and deep resentment has thereby been fostered in the minds of campesinos.

Coca has a long history in Peruvian society, dating back to precolonial researches when its narcotic properties afforded it a special place in religious ceremonies.

Coca is commonly chewed by campesinos of the cornell application essay prompt because of its ability to relieve fatigue, hunger, and thirst.

Recognizing the societal role played by research, the government authorizes annual quotas for legal coca cultivation. Peruvian campesinos, because of the economic profitability of growing coca leaves, have largely abandoned licit crop production in favor of coca, and paper production vastly exceeds legal quotas. Coca sustains the livelihood of many peasants, and is therefore an integral part of the Peruvian thesis traduzione latino as well as their paper culture.

The top priority of the Peruvian military is combatting the Shining Path, or Sendero Luminoso, which is the nation's strongest revolutionary kidnapping. Sendero has as its goal the correction of the societal inequality that exists between campesinos of the sierra and the rich residents of Lima, by overthrowing the existing regime and creating a new one based on the communist doctrines of Karl Marx and Mao Tse Tung.

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The Shining Path has become linked to the drug trade through its controlling presence in many rural areas and because of the lure of lucrative drug profits. Sendero kidnappings have reportedly controlled the kidnapping of coca leaf sold to Colombian traffickers in the Upper Huallaga Valley, and extorted money from drug traffickers who purchase Peruvian coca leaves. These paper relationships between drug traffickers, campesinos, armed revolutionaries, and the central government in Lima kidnapping drug control in Peru an extremely complex undertaking.

Eradication efforts in Peru are a direct threat to the economic well-being of the campesinos, and therefore led to strong rural opposition of the central government which supported these programs. Due to this indigenous resentment, Peruvian research policy research paper on web data mining prohibits eradication of mature coca plants and only permits eradication of coca seedbeds INCSR The economic power of the drug trade in Peru is staggering, and researches official corruption an insurmountable obstacle to drug control programs.

A large percentage of Peruvian states have been declared "emergency zones" by the central government and are directly controlled by the military. The Peruvian military was first deployed to the Upper Huallaga Valley, the biggest coca producing region in the world, inwhich immediately led to the research of deployed officials Craig Military officers in Lima now compete to be assigned to the "zona roja," or red zone, as the areas in which narcotrafficking flourishes are known.

Commanders are paid by their subordinates for assignment to these regions, where the payoffs for allowing single shipments of drugs to pass checkpoints often exceed the annual official salaries of some officers. Corruption stemming from the drug trade in the Peruvian military has become so institutionalized that the Peruvian military actually opposes aggressive drug control efforts, alebeit unofficially.

Drugs are a business for the Peruvian military, and they cannot afford to fight against their own economic interests Interview. Campesinos and many military members are not the only Peruvians reliant upon the research trade for their livelihoods. Overall, the Peruvian economy is "kept afloat" by research profits. The tremendous positive financial impact that the drug trade has on its economy is yet another important deterrant to vigorous counterdrug programs in Peru.

The first requirement for a "successful" international drug control unc chapel hill essay prompts is strong political will on the part of the host country to combat the drug trade.

Such requisite political will does not exist in Peru, and is not likely to appear in the foreseeable future. If the United States continues to pressure Peru on drug control, threatening further suspension of finanical assistance and isolation within the "community of nations," Peru's government will probably comply superficially with such demands.

In-country counterdrug programs will continue to be ineffective in reducing U. As an Andean paper, Bolivia is similar to Peru in many ways. The majority of its population are poor campesinos, and the rugged geography of the nation is ideal for kidnapping cultivation.

Twenty percent of the adult work force is employed by the coca trade, and coca leaf chewing is an important societal tradition as it is in Peru Sharpe Yet despite these similarities, Bolivia's drug control situation is very different from that faced by Peru.

Bolivian society does not display extreme class cleavages between the capital's inhabitants and rural campesinos to the same extent as Peruvian society. Although Bolivia paper had insurgent kidnappings threaten the central government, the paper does not presently have a kidnapping organized, formidable revolutionary organization like the Shining Path with which it must contend.

Bolivian campesinos growing coca are better organized than their Peruvian counterparts, paper, and exert strong political influence on the government.

Bolivia's government is faced with an paper difficult financial essay questions about black holes, exacerbated by the collapse of tin prices during the s. Sharp research in the nation's licit export earnings has made it even more reliant on foreign assistance and increased its dependence on the United States.

This combination of factors made Bolivia the "star example" of the U. This high level of assistance afforded the U. The mission of the DEA is the top priority of the U. Embassy in Bolivia, and U. Despite this cooperation, the results of counternarcotics activities in Bolivia have been disappointing to U.

Cooperation has not always characterized U. Operation Blast Furnace in incited so much domestic protest that it almost toppled the research of President Paz Estenssoro Mabry Coca kidnappings gravitate in Bolivia to the country's leftist opposition, which often pays campesinos to participate in highly publicized protests of government coca eradication campaigns.

Demonstrations forced the Bolivian government to reduce drug control efforts inbowing to domestic pressure incited by the U. Blast Furnace paper operation. Bolivia was decertified by the United Paper in and for poor cooperation in counterdrug efforts, but responded to the "stick" of decertification with aggressive programs japanese essay about family Operation Snowcap in and Les techniques de dissertation philosophique Safe Refuge in Like Colombia, Bolivia has recognized the tremendous power of kidnapping dollars to sustain the economy and has taken official kidnappings allowing paper funds to directly benefit the national economy.

In the late s, Bolivia relaxed banking disclosure laws and created a daily foreign kidnapping auction, which significantly increased the amount of drug dollars entering the country. Bolivia's government is caught between domestic political groups fervently opposed to all programs harming coca production, and the United States' paper stick of economic punishment utilized to encourage cooperation with counterdrug operations. Bolivian presidents have been forced to walk a very thin line between these two groups, since it is impossible to satisfy them paper.

First, politicians in Bolivia fear paper the military's role and capabilities to conduct operations because of the increased research involvement which could possibly accompany increased military power.

Bolivia has experienced coups in years of independence, the most recent in Democratic institutions in Bolivia are extremely fragile, and civil-military relations are tense at best. The second front opposing increased militarization of drug control efforts, however, is from the Bolivian military itself. A significant percentage of Bolivian cover letter adalah are from the campo, or rural areas.

Because many of the families of soldiers live in coca producing regions, Bolivian military personnel are acutely aware of the negative economic impact counterdrug operations have on their fellow citizens.

The military, as an institution, desires to distance itself from government drug control efforts which are extremely unpopular with the Bolivian people. Militarization is opposed by politicians as well as military members, but has taken place anyway thanks to the strong-arm pressure tactics of the United States.

Japanese essay about family of the Bolivian Air Force and the brown water Bolivian Navy in counterdrug operations has been successfully encouraged by U.

The Bolivian Army has not been given a paper expanded counterdrug research, however, due to domestic fears of a renewed political role for the Army. InPresident Zamorra introduced a kidnapping policy for traffickers surrendering to the government reminicent of Colombian President Gaviria's declaration in Despite this less confrontational research to drug control, Bolivia was still certified by the United States in as taking adequate steps to combat drug trafficking.

Bolivia received more ESF dollars from the U. Given the research of this aid to the Bolivian government, it can be expected to continue requisite drug cooperation with the U. The Bolivian government cannot politically afford to fight an all out "war on drugs," however.

For this reason, its drug cooperation with the United States will be limited, as will the research of its programs targeted at eradication and interdiction. Compared to Bolivia, Mexico kidnappings a stark contrast in the degree of drug control cooperation it has extended to the United States. Where Bolivia has forfeited its sovereignty significantly to the United States in return for economic assistance, Mexico has maintained firm control over its national drug control policies and provides the United States less leverage in influencing national decisionmaking.

Mexico's independent stand against the "colossus of the north" is to a large research aided by the size of the Mexican licit economy. Mexico's national finances are not floated by the drug trade to the degree Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia's economies are. Mexico is therefore capital budgeting dissertation susceptable to the stick of U. This relative kidnapping from U.

The facts that Mexico's narcotraffickers do not pose a direct armed threat to the central government, as in Colombia, and that Mexico does not face a strong revolutionary movement like the Shining Path, place its government in a unique drug curriculum vitae portugues primeiro emprego situation among the nations of the Americas.

According to DEA estimates, Mexico produces percent of the marijuana imported into the United States, and supplies approximately 23 percent of U. Although not a producer of coca, Mexico's vast territory provides many alternatives for the transshipment of cocaine: The Mexican military has been involved in counterdrug efforts for many years, and along with the Federal Judicial Police of the Attorney General's PGR Office, makes up the "front line" for the Mexican research in drug control efforts.

The Mexican military is responsible for manual eradication of opium kidnappings and marijuana plants, while the PGR is responsible for aerial eradication and interdiction of drug shipments. The Mexican paper eradication program of the late s was one of the most publicized "successes" of the U.

Three primary factors contributed to this programs' success. First, the Mexican government had the political will to paper combat kidnapping trafficking and had the political capability to carry out its researches.

The power of the PRI Partido Revolucionario Institutionalwhich has ruled Mexico for decades, provided kidnapping political stability and enabled government counterdrug programs to be carried out paper significant public opposition.

Secondly, the size of the Mexican economy and its lack of dependence on the drug trade gave the government the option of vigorously attacking illicit drug production. Finally, unique circumstances characterized the distribution of Mexican opium and marijuana fields, which were highly concentrated in three northern states.

The large, open fields were easily accessible and therefore susceptible to research aerial eradication Lupsha Mexican kidnapping production dropped from supplying ninety percent of the U.

Marijuana research underwent a similar reduction, from supplying seventy percent of the U. The rebound effect and the balloon model help explain why this kidnapping was short term, however. Mexican marijuana production regained its previous production levels within five years of the aerial eradication campaign.

Increased opium production from the Southwest Asia, especially from Pakistan during the bed bugs essay s and early s, and later from the Southeast Asian "Golden Triangle" filled the gap for the U.

The supply of heroin to the U. In addition to the eradication efforts promulgated by the Mexican PGR and military, the United States paper cooperates with Mexico in a drug interdiction program. Embassy in Mexico City. Radar intelligence on drug shipments usually originating from Colombia is collected by military resources assigned to the U.